China asserts grip on key western province


CRITICS: INDIGENOUS, MUSLIM CULTURE STIFLED

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By Mark Magnier
Los Angeles Times
Posted on Thu, Oct. 26, 2006

HOTAN, China - Mullah Masude, 63, removes his shoes and gingerly navigates an expanse of carpeting in the Jaman mosque's main worship area before climbing a set of rickety steps to the roof.

Powered by a good set of lungs and lots of practice, the cleric belts out the afternoon call to prayer. Despite his best efforts, the chant is all but drowned out by the din of a tractor engine and a passing bus.

Beijing bars mullahs from using loudspeakers, one of dozens of rules critics say are designed to mute Islam's voice in China, particularly among the Uighur minority here in the far-western region of Xinjiang, which the government considers a separatist threat.

Signs and banners at mosque entrances in Hotan, Kashgar and other western cities make it clear who is boss.

``Completely abide by the Communist Party's religious policy,'' reads an oversize banner straddling the gate of Hotan's Imam Asim tomb, half a mile over desert dunes from the nearest road. ``Actively lead religion toward a just socialist society.''

More than 2,000 miles to the east, Beijing seems a world away, which partly explains officials' deep-seated fear that the region's more than 8 million Uighurs will unite to form an independent state.

Although most Uighurs are proud of their history, distinct language and centuries-old culture, they tend to see a Uighur homeland as a distant dream, given Beijing's tight grip and economic clout.

``I'm not in favor of it, nor do I think it's possible,'' said Elham Adl, 22, a Uighur tour guide in Dushanzi, a town in northern Xinjiang. ``I don't want to see Xinjiang become a second Iraq. And if Xinjiang became independent, we'd lose access to China's big market.''

But Beijing isn't taking any chances, critics say, and it continues to intimidate the clergy, weaken Uighur culture through assimilation policies and otherwise stifle dissent.

The strategy has been successful, largely putting an end to the bombings, protests and unrest of the 1990s, although some say China has only driven resentment underground.

``They put out the fire,'' said Dru C. Gladney, an anthropologist and president of the Pacific Basin Institute at Pomona College in Claremont. ``But the embers are smoldering. And unless they address hearts and minds, it will flare again.''

Vital region

The government's iron grip underscores Xinjiang's strategic importance. The region has huge reserves of oil, gas, gold and uranium. It is home to the nation's Lop Nor nuclear testing facility.

With 17 percent of Chinese territory but just 1.5 percent of its people, Xinjiang is an important release valve for population pressures. It's a buffer against rival Russia. Any loosening would set a precedent for pro-independence movements in Taiwan and Tibet.

``Xinjiang is very important to China's security,'' said Raphael Israeli, a fellow at the Truman Research Institute at Hebrew University in Jerusalem. ``They will have to do what it takes when a rebellion becomes evident.''

In the meantime, Beijing is working to soften local opinions to its position, albeit in a sometimes heavy-handed manner.

Ayinoor, a Uighur civil servant in her early 20s, is required to attend ideology classes for two hours a day aimed at hammering home the glories of the Communist Party, the danger of separatism and the benefits of national unity. Like others interviewed, she declined to give her family name for fear of losing her job.

Incentives for ideology

If lecturing doesn't win her over, there's music, including a version of the party's recent ``Eight Virtues and Eight Shames'' campaign that she's required to sing, with such lines as ``It's most glorious to love the motherland, a great sin to harm her.'' There's economic incentive: If she doesn't do well on a weekly political-thought quiz, her pay is docked.

``I'm only telling you this,'' she said in the shadow of the historic Id Kah mosque in Kashgar, near two police cars and an army truck and a sign that read, ``All ethnic groups warmly welcome the party's religious policies.''

``At work I have to say, `I love everything Han Chinese' or I get into trouble,'' she said, referring to the majority ethnic group.

Uighur clerics had ignored the ban on government employees entering mosques. But religious authorities started threatening their jobs as well. Now they report on participants, who risk losing their jobs or worse. More than 300 Uighur civil servants have been jailed in recent years for their beliefs, locals say, and some were beaten to death.

Government officials were not available for comment, and the figure could not be verified.

Beijing's longer-term goal is to create a new generation of Mandarin-speaking Uighurs with fewer ties to Islam and traditional Uighur culture, critics say, including programs that send the brightest young Uighurs to Mandarin-only schools in other provinces.

``Chinese is very difficult, but it's the language of the marketplace,'' said Shiaili, 14, a student in Urumqi. ``I've studied for two years. Sometimes I forget some of my Uighur.''

Government officials did not respond to written requests for an interview. But Chinese minority- and ethnic-affairs officials in the past have denied trying to dilute Uighur culture and say they are raising living standards and spurring entrepreneurship, as seen, they say, by an economy that has grown forty-twofold since 1955.

But government officials also promise to remain vigilant. They blame separatist groups for more than 200 terrorist attacks since 1990 that resulted in 162 deaths and more than 440 injuries.

The Sept. 11 attacks on the United States gave Beijing a new argument, allowing it to tar pro-independence Uighurs as radical Muslims with ties to Al-Qaida, claims that are viewed with skepticism.

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